The Union Urges Honghua to Do Right by Its Employees—Fair Pay Is the Way Forward!

Chunghwa Telecom subsidiary Honghua International Co., Ltd. promotes itself as a "happy enterprise", boasting seven consecutive awards, including the 2024 CSEA Excellence in Customer Service Award. At its year-end party, the company proudly announced an impressive NT$18.5 billion revenue, celebrating employees' dedication and hard work. Expecting a salary increase comparable to Chunghwa Telecom’s parent company—NT$4,000 raise and a NT$20,000 bonus—employees were stunned to learn their 2025 salary adjustment amounted to just NT$600.

Despite the company’s push for performance-driven cooperation, this meager increase undermines employee contributions, damages morale, and leaves workers feeling betrayed.

Hsu Fu-Li, Chairman of the Taiwan Network Union, stated: "Honghua International, a wholly-owned subsidiary of Chunghwa Telecom with NT$180 million in capital, serves as the company’s frontline for customer service—including retail, maintenance, and call centers. Honghua operates under increasingly demanding performance targets, with KPI requirements doubling annually. Despite these challenges, Honghua’s employees continue to excel, driving exceptional results. Their contributions have significantly reduced Chunghwa Telecom’s labor costs while making a substantial, undeniable impact on its earnings per share (EPS).

Union Vice Chairman Chiu Hsiao-Tung stated that at Honghua’s 2024 year-end party, the company proudly announced a NT$18.5 billion revenue—100 times its capital—with growth across all performance indicators. Not only did it meet targets, but 70% of its revenue was recognized by parent company Chunghwa Telecom, contributing to its NT$4.8 EPS in 2024. Yet, despite employees’ dedication in achieving these results, Honghua’s reluctance to fairly compensate them is deeply disappointing.

Union Secretary-General Qiu Wen-Hsia revealed that since January 2025, Chunghwa Telecom employees have received a NT$4,000 monthly pay raise and a NT$20,000 bonus. Meanwhile, Honghua employees—who handle customer service, retail, and repair work—were given a mere NT$600 increase. As living costs soar, many employees face financial strain. Despite Chunghwa Telecom’s emphasis on ESG and CSR, it has failed to uphold its corporate responsibility to support young workers, instead exploiting its subsidiary’s employees. To deflect scrutiny, Chunghwa Telecom claims financial independence from Honghua. Yet, the chairman is appointed by Chunghwa, and KPI targets are dictated by the parent company, suggesting complete subordination to Chunghwa’s directives. Despite this, Honghua employees continue to receive lower salaries, weaker bonuses, and poorer working conditions compared to their counterparts at Chunghwa Telecom.

The union chairman emphasized that as a US-listed company through ADRs, Chunghwa Telecom must uphold ESG principles. Its annual shareholder reports repeatedly affirm its commitment to labor rights, stakeholder interests, and corporate social responsibility. We urge Chunghwa Telecom to acknowledge Honghua International as its subsidiary and reconsider its salary increase policy amid inflation and the 4% raise standard for government entities. The union recommends that, effective retroactively from January 2025, Honghua employees receive a NT$3,000 salary increase and a one-time NT$15,000 bonus—a necessary step to fairly reward employees, retain talent, and foster long-term success for shareholders, workers, and customers alike.

Press Contact: Taiwan Network Union

Chairman Hsu Fu-Li 0937332666

Secretary-General Qiu Wen-Hsia 0937332882

E-mail: tnu0501@gmail.com

Website: http://tnu.org.tw

Kaohsiung Sheng-Li Elementary School Principal Li Jin-Shi Faces Fines, Lawsuits Amid Power Abuse and Union Suppression Allegations

Sheng-Li Elementary School Principal Li Jin-Shi is accused of power abuse, staff retaliation, union suppression, and illegal parking. He's lost multiple lawsuits, prompting the Kaohsiung Education Union and others to demand accountability for his unethical conduct and disregard for public order:

Retaliation Against Whistleblowers

Principal Li reportedly retaliated against those who exposed his actions. A cashier who testified in court before the Ministry of Labor was immediately hit with a poor performance review and falsely accused of absenteeism. Similarly, after filing a lawsuit against National Federation of Education Unions Secretary-General Liu Ya-Ping, Principal Li targeted the local union chair for testifying, penalizing them with an unjust assessment.

Union Suppression and Fine Evasion

Principal Li actively obstructed union operations, refusing to deduct union dues from salaries and violating labor laws. This led the Ministry of Labor to rule that he had committed two unfair labor practices, levying fines totaling NT$200,000. Despite the clear ruling, he attempted to evade payment through administrative litigation. His appeal was rejected, his request for suspension of the penalty denied, and his final appeal ultimately dismissed.

Six Lawsuits Lost Against Teachers and Parents

Principal Li's legal troubles also involved teachers and parents. He allegedly interfered in the school's parent association election, and when parents reported his behavior, he retaliated by suing them for defamation. He lost that case, and his request for reconsideration was dismissed. Additionally, his defamation lawsuits against labor leaders Liu Ya-Ping and He Geng-Xu were all rejected, with his subsequent appeals dismissed by the High Prosecutors’ Office.

National Scandal Over Misused Disabled Parking

Principal Li directly violated disability rights laws by illegally taking over parking spaces designated for disabled individuals. He went so far as to remove the markings from a reserved spot just to park there himself. This blatant disrespect for public order has been widely reported by media, making it a significant national scandal.

Issued By / Media Contact:

Kaohsiung Education Union: Chairperson Li Hsien-Neng

Jointly Issued By:

National Federation of Education Unions: Chairperson Lin Shuo-Chieh

Kaohsiung Confederation of Trade Unions: Chairperson Lin Shun-Chi

Kaohsiung Independent Federation of Union: Chairperson Wang Ching-Hung

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/19EkbRL7MN/

At the 2025 May Day Labor Rally, the Kaohsiung Independent Federation of Union joined forces with the Taiwan Medical Workers' Union to champion critical issues facing healthcare workers nationwide. Their advocacy focused on addressing low wages, severe staff shortages, high nurse-to-patient ratios, and the push to convert fixed-term employment contracts to indefinite terms.

The unions urged Minister of Health and Welfare Chiu Tai-Yuan and President Lai Ching-Te to honor their pre-election commitments, calling for an end to broken promises and voter deception. They also demanded that the Ministry of Transportation address employment contract issues for seafarers in China Steel Express and across Taiwan, pushing for a transition from fixed-term contracts to indefinite employment to safeguard workers from exploitative shipping companies.

Our Key Demands:

• No More Bullying! Protect Our Rights!
• Less Work, More Life! Restore Our Holidays!
• End Elder Poverty! Secure Our Retirement!
• Fight Inflation! Raise Our Wages!
• Stop Discrimination! Strengthen Labor Power!
• Staff Up Healthcare & Education! Protect Professionals!
• Fair Transitions Now! Labor Has a Voice!

#Kaohsiung Independent Federation of Union

#Taiwan Federation of Medical Unions

#China Steel Express Union

#Kaohsiung Medical University Labor Union

#Zuoying Armed Forces General Hospital Union

https://news.tvbs.com.tw/life/2856999

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hJ2s26QeIHQ

https://search.app/SUAAJksCtYqsASHJ8

https://youtu.be/IQCa5eeDtu4?si=nYOYn3jbZE1ig2_L

The China Steel Express Union has received complaints from members of the Chinese Seamen’s Union regarding irregularities in the recent union representative election, held from April 15 to April 29. Members reported that company representatives closely monitored the voting process, with supervisors overseeing polling stations and pressuring crew members to vote for company-backed candidates. Many seafarers expressed frustration, stating that such interference violated the fundamental principle of secret ballots, which is essential for fair elections.

Further concerns have arisen regarding the election's integrity. Reports indicate that after ballots were cast, election officials allegedly hired temporary staff and IT personnel to collect voters' personal data. Daily records, including members' ID numbers, names, and union credentials, were reportedly uploaded to a Google Drive cloud file without consent, making them accessible to election personnel. This unauthorized practice deviates from announced election procedures, raising serious privacy and election integrity concerns. Given the sensitive nature of voter information, the election registry should have been sealed post-election. The collection and storage of voter data without authorization may violate the Personal Data Protection Act and cast doubt on the fairness of the election.

The act of uploading union members' private information to Google Drive without explicit consent contradicts contractual agreements and governance regulations, potentially violating Article 20 of the Personal Data Protection Act. As violations of this law are subject to public prosecution, the China Steel Express Union has taken formal action by sending a legal notice as evidence. We urge relevant authorities to intervene and rectify the situation, ensuring a fair and lawful election process for the Chinese Seamen’s Union. Moreover, we call on specific shipping companies to relinquish control over union affairs and allow seafarers to regain their rightful representation, reaffirming the union’s original mission of safeguarding and advocating for Taiwan’s maritime workforce.

The Kaohsiung Independent Federation of Trade Unions pointed out: The 1210 World Human Rights Day and the 40th anniversary of Beautiful Island, Kaohsiung Independent Federation of Trade Unions miss Taiwan ’s democratic predecessors, pursue the courage and dedication of democratic human rights, deepen democratic human rights literacy, and promote work-oriented justice, a special choice In 1210, a lecture was held at Kaohsiung Central Park Speech Plaza to conduct labor rights transformation education.

Taiwan’s post-authoritarian democratisation and economic liberalisation have triggered the rise of autonomous labour organisations. The government, amidst a labyrinthine framework, is gradually losing control over trade unions and Taiwan is now at the beginning of “trias politica” – where labour and state began drifting apart.

Democratic consolidation of power and the advent of a multi-party system in the island nation was supported by workers who escaped the clutch of the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) and sided with the dangwai (‘outside the party’ democratic movement). Industrial relations in Taiwan was historically built on an ‘unholy’ dyadic relationship between the ruling party and the workers. Despite the earlier lifting of martial law, truly independent labour unions free from government control grew only after the KMT lost to the rival Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2000, after which the autonomous labour movement gained real momentum in 2008.

Some Taiwanese scholars maintain that the rise of an independent labour movement is a by-product of the dangwai movement from which the DPP was officially founded in 1986. The DPP shared proximity with the Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions, which remains the largest alternative to the KMT’s Chinese Federation of Labour. However, growing employment opportunities and rising income during the ‘Taiwan miracle’ years brought complacency among workers and the autonomous labour movement suffered throughout the 1980s.

By 1990 the KMT’s policy on SOEs’ privatisation caused formerly loyal workers to take interest in unions. The DPP formed executive government in 2000 and intended to score influence from playing the populist independence issue based on the historical divide between the native Taiwanese and mainlanders. However, independent unions refused to toe the DPP line. These actions eventually fragmented the working class beyond a binary segregation between DPP-aligned autonomous labour organisations and those faithful to the KMT.

The DPP’s betrayal of working class by supporting the privatisation of SOEs received wide criticism, including from labour sympathisers within the party. The DPP wanted to demolish the KMT’s power base by ending the regulated market economy and a large number of SOE unions were still controlled by the KMT. The DPP also projected itself as the defender and promoter of native bourgeoisie economic interests by endorsing a pro-independence stance and strong nationalist sentiment based on an exclusive Taiwanese identity. SOE privatisation was a means to pay off the local Taiwanese capitalists. Nevertheless, labour organisations liberated from the KMT’s control did not trust the DPP and maintained distance.

Entrepreneurs, service industry and home-based workers did not develop any sense of class-consciousness. Societal individualism prevailed and union density declined. Politically affiliated unions were the worst affected. The working class blamed the DPP government for economic miseries, but economic liberalisation was not within the DPP’s control as mainlanders reaped the benefits and Taiwan’s outward FDI was accumulated across the strait. Autonomous labour organisations scouted for other opportunities that would not rob their jobs in support of mainlander interests. ‘Mainland-phobia’ escalated as labour wanted to protect their jobs. The rift between pro-labour and pro-capital stances of Taiwan’s two largest parties widened out of proportion as the KMT advocated for unification and DPP for independence. Economic and political issues were engulfed in new identity lines drawn over an age-old ethnic divide.

After losing executive government to the DPP, the KMT quickly reversed its policy position on labour. While in opposition, it backed labour and combated DPP policies, campaigning for issues that it previously never allowed to be debated at Executive or Legislative levels. This about-face failed to gain the confidence of workers liberated from KMT control and instead the DPP consolidated labour power through grassroots mobilisation. The DPP targeted enterprise and industrial unions, focused on southern counties, and promoted the ‘anti-mainland nationalist’ character of its economic policies. The outflow of foreign investment from Taiwan to the mainland was a far more significant reason for disquiet amongst the working class than the privatisation of SOEs. Although the DPP was closer to independent labour unions while in opposition than during its earlier period of executive government, the KMT’s divisive labour policy reforms also had a significant impact on the labour union landscape by protecting workers’ economic interests. Even if there was a clear independence-unification supporter divide between workers, not every autonomous union sided with the DPP.

The DPP returned to power in 2016 under the Tsai Ing-wen administration. Tsai’s policy on the ‘2012 consensus’ stood for native Taiwanese cultural hegemony over mainlanders and unnerved the economy. Tsai was adamant in not accepting the ‘One-China’ principle, a stance that vexed Beijing. The mainland suspended cross-Strait exchanges and left Taiwanese firms and labour in despondence. The ‘independence or unification’ issue risked the working class’ economic interests as the DPP’s nationalist economic model almost failed to stand against the mainland-friendly KMT’s denouncement. As economic conditions worsened, independent unions distanced themselves from the DPP. Working class outrage rose alongside voter discontent towards multiple DPP policy flip-flops. Political analysts firmly believe that Tsai has to succeed in reclaiming trust from South Asian and Latin American investors as alternatives to the mainland to counter her critics. But will her policy position gain the support of the working class?

Weakening global trade, deteriorating wage rates, dwindling tourism, informalisation of employment, electricity deficits, and an irked Beijing all mean that rectifying Tsai’s labour policies is easier said than done. The DPP has another chance to prove its commitment to the labour cause but re-electing neo-centrist labour policies means workers will see more combative reforms. Political democratisation fulfilled its promise of delivering diverse perspectives but could not pledge widening industrial democracy as expected by labour voters.

Taiwan’s industrial relations were politically liberalised mostly when the DPP was in opposition. In other words, anti-incumbency influenced independent labour unions to sway DPP support during KMT rule, but this did not happen to the same extent when the DPP was in power. Therefore, in the 2016 presidential election, anti-incumbency might have played a critical role for average voters, but not for the labour voters. The DPP has no plan to stop fighting the KMT’s authoritarian labour policies and gather support from independent labour voters to remain in power except for Tsai’s rage for a ‘one country on each side’ position. Trying to put an end to Taiwan’s ‘China dilemma’ is severing ties between autonomous unions and the DPP government. As a result, the independent labour movement is at a crossroads. The DPP’s campaign for independence will reduce jobs as the mainland will curb exports and investment in Taiwan, whereas defending unification will rob Taiwanese jobs as the mainland friendly KMT will not hesitate to liberalise the economy so that the outflow of foreign investment increases alongside privatisation